(This article was published at
New Mandala, on 10 March 2012. It belongs to a series under the theme '
Malaysia After Regime Change', as a contribution to the public opinion as we are heading towads the 13th General Election. I'm humbled by the editor's, Greg Lopez, invitation to contribute to the series. All the other contributors have either a Doctorate or a Master's degree, or both---I don't even have an undergraduate degree. Some of them work at top institutions in the world such as Cornell, Yale, McGill, ISEAS, etc, while I am just a student. Hence I was actually very anxious when writing it. God's grace!!)
The most controversial issue pertained to religion in
the first six months after Malaysia’s 12
th General Election was
Bar Council’s forum on Islam. The event was seen as anti-Islam by
then-PKR’s MP Zulkifli Noordin, who led an aggressive group of protestors to sabotage
the event.
When asked later why he saw the forum as anti-Islam,
Noordin
remarked that,
When you talk of
sensitivities of others, do so behind closed doors and only invite those in
authority. Don't invite any Tom, Dick or Harry. You can talk about Islam but
you cannot talk for Islam. […] I don't call any mamak chendol or kacang putih
seller to talk about Hinduism, do I? That would only look stupid. I would call
the priest, the authority and then I can get a better picture on Hinduism. […]
Just because some mosquito group of Muslims start talking about Islam, they
represent Islam. I don't think that is fair.
Apparently, Noordin did not bother to check the fact
that if not for the hostility showed by aggressors like him, the forum would have
attended by Mohd Naim Mokhtar (Syariah Prosecutor for Federal Territory's
Islamic Affairs Department and former Syariah High Court judge) and Wan Azhar
Wan Ahmad (Director of the Syariah Law and Political Science Centre and Senior
Fellow of the Institute for Islamic Understanding of Malaysia)
as
panelists. Neither of these jurists can be considered as “Tom,
Dick and Harry” nor “mosquito group of Muslims” in the field of Islamic
jurisprudence in the country.
It was due to the inability of Noordin and the like to
comprehend the contributory importance of civil discourse for the development
of the society, an opportunity for learning about Islam has slipped away. Just
like that.
For me Islam
comes first. I am a Muslim first, a party member second. A Muslim first, a
lawyer second. A Muslim first, an MP second. [...] You attack Islam, I'll be
there, even if I have to do it on my own. [...] Whatever it is, Islam comes
first.
Noordin is not alone. There are others who see
themselves along him as bouncers of Islam: Ibrahim Ali, who
threatened
holy war against Christians and chided other Muslims who
disagree with him as liberals; and Hasan Ali, who saw himself as
savior
of Islam.
While they continue to promote themselves as
championing Islam, there are sections among the Muslim community that do not
share their understanding of the Islamic cause.
For instance,
Mohd
Hanipa Maidin and
Dr
Mehrun Siraj differed from Noordin in their judgment of the Bar
Council’s forum. To them, intellectual and dialogical engagement is the way
forward in the building of civil society and contributing to the cause of
Islam. To have operated like Noordin was to do disservice to the faith.
It is observable that issues of such
intra-religious nature are frequently
raised since the 12
th General Election. Just to highlight some
recent ones, PAS spiritual advisor Nik Aziz Nik Mat has
recently
condemned UMNO as un-Islamic, criticizing the latter along the
line that it worships lust as its god; The former Prime Minister Mahathir
Mohamad
sarcastically
congratulated PAS for its willingness to consider accepting
non-Muslim as deputy president for the party; PAS’ Rani Othman
stated that UMNO
is ignorant of the Quran; The
differing
views between Perak Mufti Harussani Zakaria and former
Perlis Mufti Mohd Asri Zainul Abidin on ethnic-based jihad; And the
disagreement
between the Islamic Renaissance Front with the UMNO government in the
extradition of Hamza Kashgari.
As long as race-based politicians such as Noordin and
the two Ali seek to seal their public image as the champions for Islam, we can
expect plenty of unfounded accusations to be hurled around. This is what
happened to Pakatan Rakyat since 2008. It could be as typical as racial
discrimination charges (
here and
here) to
something as novel
as
ex-communists trying to Christianize the country.
The rise of intra-religious
debates is as evident as they are important. When each fraction of the Muslim
community claims to represent Islam, it creates theological contestation that
is good for the Malaysian society in general and for the Muslim community in
particular in that it protects Islam from being domesticated and manipulated by
any quarter.
However, this contestation cannot be left at that for
it will degenerate into unhealthy pluralism where every claim made on Islam
becomes as valid as every other. Or worse, the quarter with the most guns,
bullets, and keris will stamp out fellow Muslims who disagree with them.
For that, one main challenge that has to be taken up
by the national leaders after the regime change is the facilitation of civil
engagement in two areas: Between Muslims and non-Muslims; and among Muslims
themselves.
These engagements will play significant role in
promoting the country’s socio-economic development through inter and intra-religious
discourses. Among many things, this means that the State would have to
guarantee civility in the society by providing avenues for these engagements to
take place.
However, such providence does not mean absolute
absence of restriction. The current restriction is designed to impress upon
citizens that it is only under the UMNO regime that unity, harmony and
stability in the society can be guaranteed.
This impression is notable as recent as in the
speech of
Prime Minister Najib Razak, “If we are to achieve national unity, the main key
to it is unity among the Malays.” And
echoed by
Ibrahim Ali a few days later, “What Perkasa wants is Malay unity, which is a
unity of the faith, a way of life, culture and Scripture.”
The impression underlying these speeches restricts society’s
civil engagements in that unity, harmony and stability can only be conceived under political
parties.
The new restriction has to change this impression.
Instead of having the ruling regime (whichever political party that rule the
day) perceived as the guarantor, the impression to uphold unity, harmony and
stability has to be distilled onto the various communities regardless of
ethnicity, religion, or theological standing. Each community has to own its
role as the guarantor of civility in the society despite racial and theological
differences.
Within such context, political parties have to work
their way through the differences and similarities of these communities. On one
hand, this reduces the chances for any party to manipulate racial and religious
divide in order to rule. On the other hand, it enhances the ruling party’s
nation-building effort that is supported by inter-community cooperation
afforded by their similarities.
The desire for civility seems to be shaping
Malaysians’ political consciousness. Nowadays, the majority of the
Malay-Muslims youth are
concerned over
Islamic radicalism in politics, corruption and lack of freedom of expression.
Besides, since 2008, Pakatan Rakyat has cultivated good
working relationship in a civil manner. Initially there was
suspicion over
each other within the coalition, yet they have improved tremendously. In terms
of religion and civil engagement, each community has learned to work on the
similarities while
seeking avenues for discourses with other
parties.
Therefore after the regime change, there is high
tendency for each community to continue engaging with other community for
common cause of which sustaining civility in inter and intra-religious
discourses is one. These glimpses of civil engagement need further elaboration,
structure, and administration in order to have sustained effect towards the
development of the country in relation to Islam. Muslim scholars and non-Muslim
organizations, such as the Bar Council, can then work together without being
threatened by hostile incivility coming from those who masquerad themselves as champions
of the Islamic faith.